В статье рассмотрены некоторые версии «распада» СССР и «соцлагеря» и их восприятие в отечественных экспертных кругах; проанализированы особенности взаимоотношений «советское общество» – «советская система», а также последствия произошедшего системного распада.

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The analysis of the causes and effects of the collapse of the USSR still remains one of the topical themes of the contemporary social science and, it is quite natural, that there are enough versions and theories in this sphere. At the same time there is an impression that in some works devoted to the study of the history of the “Soviet empire” the methodology, which is almost identical to the one used by the Soviet “agitprop” for the “defamation” of the British colonial system, is used. There is also simplified understanding of the causes of the “system” collapse, when only particular causes are considered, meanwhile such a global phenomenon was caused by a general complex of internal and external, objective and not only objective reasons. At the same time the place and the role of the society in the ideologized state should also be evaluated; the society which mostly shared official line. It is also characteristic that even after the collapse of the USSR and the “socialist camp” a kind of convergence on virtual level between the formerly confronting systems of governing still goes on.

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There is a tough task before the macroeconomics in its classical form, i.e. to prove the stable and predictable environment for business. But at the current stage supporting stability is rather problematic even on a level of states, including the big ones, which conditions the development of globalization processes.

The unblocking of the communications with Turkey is of strategic importance for “the high and mighty”. It is highly probable that there are projects of the new economic region formation where a certain role is allotted to Turkey. It is advisable that the analytical centers of Armenia try to draw an outline of all the possible variants of the new region structure and the place and role of Armenia there.

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Philosophical comprehension of the civilizational future of the mankind is founded on revelation and deepening of the ways of the dialogue among civilizations. It is necessary to comprehend and realize on the international level the protection of cultural historical heritage of each people. It may become a guarantee of the security of the world civilization by means of the dialogue of civilizations.

In the system of cultural-historical heritage writing is an important link of the inter-civilizational relations. Armenian writing, in the context of historical realities, characterized by linguistic, spiritual-cultural, ethno-demographic and socio-political peculiarities and represented by original and translated literature, has rich traditions in the development of inter-cultural relations, promoting the dialogue of civilizations.

Историческая память, историческое сознание, восстановление исторической справедливости – это те составляющие, которые заложены в нравственных основах армянского народа.

В силу этого особое значение приобретает тема «присвоения чужой истории» и «чужой культуры» в межцивилизационных и международных отношениях, поскольку искажение исторических фактов и событий автоматически создает нездоровую атмосферу во взаимоотношениях народов и государств. В частности, основной источник кризиса во всех сферах человеческой деятельности (экономической, историко-правовой, норм международного права) – «культ некомпетентности». Это словосочетание порою, если не часто, подменяется или прикрывается другим понятием – «политический прагматизм», который, как правило, используется для отрицания права на восстановление исторической справедливости.

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The confrontation of civilizations is one of the painful problems of mankind under the conditions of globalization, world economic crisis and decline of the cultural values. In the context of the ongoing events, international relations acquire special importance, and the historical consciousness as one of the forms of manifesting identity comes to the first place.

One way or another, Armenian Question has been and will remain an exchange card in the hands of great powers in blocking the borders and territories. It is not a mere chance that since Sultan Abdul Hamid the European community have closed their eyes to the falsification and juggling of historical facts by Turkey and nowadays – by Azerbaijan. “The appropriation of the culture and history of others” is especially actual today in intercivilizational and international relations, as the distortion of historical facts and events has already created an unhealthy ground in the interrelationship of peoples and states. Particularly the tendency of Turkey and Azerbaijan (let alone that of Georgia) to the “appropriation of the culture and history of others” still goes on. This process gathered full speed and has exceeded all bounds and decorum (propriety) after the collapse of the former USSR when a new era of forgery and falsification, the characteristic feature of which is the “Cult of Incompetence”, came into being.

The representatives of creative intellectuals and individuals may play a crucial role in a dialogue, restoring trust and mutual understanding between nations; they can take the responsibility for solving vital problems of a nation or a government as a whole. The issue of the creative intellectuals may become especially topical and necessary. Only the spiritual space, as we think, may become the ground for this dialogue without falsehood and lie. It is possible to breathe life and first of all cultural ferment and to accumulate historical memory, national traditions.

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The image of the country can be formed by means of different actors – state, international organizations, corporations, interested groups, think tanks, brokers, mass media, academic circles, cultural figures, Diaspora (parties, organizations, communities), special services and etc. In order to analyze the existing media image, correction or the formation of the new image in any country it is very important to know the cycle of decision making in that country.

Besides, it should be taken into consideration that the image of such countries as Armenia in not only a product of the pure journalism. It can be a constituent part or a component of propaganda, lobbying, PR (including international), public diplomacy (cultural, media, sport, museum and etc.), branding, psychological or informational war/actions, interference of the special services and etc., because for small states the creation of the constant positive image (including the financial reasons), as well as the protection against the negative image created by this or that international actor (amid the open information flows), very often is rather difficult. Under these conditions it is very important to have the so-called “barrier” which would protect the “immune system” of the nation and society.

В статье анализируются основные векторы внутренней политики Грузии в их увязке с внешнеполитическими развитиями, а также парадигма развития межгосударственных контактов Грузии с Арменией и уступок в адрес армянской общины Тбилиси.

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After the independence in 1991 Georgia appeared in a chaotic situation. The economy was fully destroyed as a result of a number of serious problems. For the whole last century Georgia had tended to unitarization. The result was obtained though it caused conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The interim interethnic tension still remains.

The influence of the foreign policy on the domestic one is considerable but, however, it is not the determinant and the internal tension has neither increased nor diminished in the issue of military defeat by Russia.

The role of the political opposition will be stable in the months to come while the role of the Georgian Orthodox Church will be growing. And this circumstance will complicate both the interstate contacts between Armenia and Georgia and the concessions to the Armenian community in Tbilisi.

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From the point of view of the reforms carried out in the context of Turkey’s EU membership, the reforms regarding the military and national security spheres are the most perceptible. Those reforms purpose to restrict the role of the militaries in different public and political spheres and to establish democratic control over the security sphere. In the context of legal and structural reforms the most important and essential advance was noticed in the most influential organ of military and political sphere of that country – the NSC. Despite the legal and structural reforms regarding the NSC, the Turkish military elite still preserves the leading positions in domestic and foreign political spheres.

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The flows of the refugees and internally displaced persons are the consequences of almost all the interstate conflicts on ethno-political ground. The issue of the restoration of the rights of these persons is politicized and it has no “easy” solutions despite the elaborated complex of the appropriate principles and norms in the international law.

The issues of the return of the displaced persons and the payment of the compensation are always closely interconnected and, as the international practice shows, they are solved being based on the ground of “adequate” or “fair” compensation principle, which implies, very often, the alternative solution to their return to the places of the their residency before the conflict. The compensation not with the return but instead of the return is supposed to be the most marked in the international practice of the settlement of contemporary ethno-political conflicts which will have remained unsolved for many years and decades.

The experience of the European countries in the realization of the programmes on material damage compensation, which may serve as the example of the civilized solution of the issue of the restoration of rights of the displaced persons, seems to us, on the one hand the synthesis of all the positive what have been elaborated in that sphere for the recent years, and on the other hand (what is the most important) the balanced solution amid the long interstate conflict without reconciliation of the parties and its final resolution.

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This article analyzes the EU Eastern partnership programme, in particular, one of its 4 platforms – energy security. Energy security is viewed in this article from the external policy perspective. In the last part of the article the author draws conclusions about the role of the Eastern Partnership programme in the South Caucasus region.