
The Good Old “National Issue” in the European Space: Enlarged Europe, New Realities
Since the beginning of the 1990s Europe seemed to have all the chances to move onward focusing on the concepts of transnational policy. This thesis gained a more practical significance especially within the last two decades, which was conditioned with the institutional development of the European community and the appearance of some sort of (but undoubtedly unprecedented) geopolitical continental consensus.
However, nowadays there is an impression that the number one issue on the agenda of European politics is gradually becoming the process associated with the “national issue”, instead of, for instance, the development and implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policies (CFSP). Incidentally, the term “national issue” is used quite broadly here and includes at least two dimensions:
- the general and on-going increase of the significance of nationalism in almost all the aspects of internal political developments of Europe after the Cold War;
- the urgency attached to various “national issues” in Pan-European political processes.
A gradual, but unambiguous transition took place and still continues. For instance, after the failure of the referendum on the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands, people, who tended to use the terminology typical of the first half of the 20th century in their political analyses, stopped being perceived as marginal.
The Expansion of Free Europe: Unexpected Outcomes?
During the past 15 years free Europe extended its borders almost twice. At the same time eighteen countries appeared on the political map of Europe. Part of them had never existed before, or did not exist within their current borders.
If the expansion of the borders of freedom of the Old World influenced international relations in general, the appearance of these states within Europe (by the way. all these states were formed based on the principle of titular nations) could not have avoided having an objective impact on the logic of the developments happening in Europe. In fact, the restoration of human rights and freedoms in Eastern Europe for a number of nations meant conquering rights and most importantly, freedoms, from the empire the time, i.e. the Soviet Union as well.
There is an interesting thesis. The rights and freedoms of an individual are functional when the rights and freedoms of his/her nation are not violated. On the other hand, a nation can be called free if the rights and freedoms of its citizens, as well as the fundamental principles of democracy are not violated. Otherwise, the probability of facing imitations is quite high, i.e. the risks will simply be ignored.
Not only do all these lack any prospect, it is not profitable as well.
Can we claim that all this is related to the “national issue”? It is hard to come up with an answer. Nonetheless, it can be said that we are in the most active phase of the process if not in the final one.
Do all claim that there is no relation between that process and the high ratings of the nationalistic parties in France, Austria, the Netherlands and other Western European countries, which is observed in the recent years?
The results of the last elections in Poland and Slovakia are particularly indicative, in a sense that they seem to hail the return of the nationalistic ideologies considered to be quite influential in the political field of the Eastern Europe during the time of the USSR collapse.
Incidentally, the Rose and Orange revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine were fighting not only for democracy, but were a very serious incentive for the national renaissance in those countries.
On the background of the above-mentioned, the following questions seem to out:
- Did the political map of Europe change faster in the last 15 years, than, for instance, in the last century?
- Does 2006-2007 have the chance to become a breakthrough in this regard?
Significance of the Decision of Zapatero’s Government
Montenegro’s independence referendum on May 21, 2006 and the unprecedented approval of Catalonia’s autonomy on June 18, 2006, the current negotiations on Kosovo’s independence prompt the answer to the last question. Perhaps the most interesting of all three are the developments around Kosovo. However, the most important one is the statement of the Spanish Prime Minister on June 28, 2006 about the political decision to start direct negotiations with the ETA organization of the Basque country. With the start up of the negotiations in Saint Sebastian on July 6, 2006 the official Madrid, in fact, legitimized not so much the ETA, but the idea which it advocated. From time to time this idea is called “fight for independence of the Basque country”.
There is a need to respond to two very important questions:
1) Does this action of Zapatero’s government eventually close the issue (e.g. using the same format as in Catalonia), or does is in reality open up the issue?
2) Will it have only local consequences?
Let’s try to expend the last question. How should Mr. Zapatero’s decision be discussed in the pubs of say Scotland, Northern Ireland, Walloon, Flanders, Andalusia, Corsica, Sardinia, Southern Tyrol and Voyevodina? We assume this is not the whole list.
The Opportunity to Choose
Actually, the goal is not to record the existence of problems. On the contrary, the presentation is just one attempt in the larger process of seeking solutions to these issues.
On the other hand, we do not think that the time stands out with many opportunities.
Eventually it becomes clear that the abovementioned is merely an additional incentive not only for Armenia, but the whole South Caucasus to strengthen their efforts in European integration.
Whatever the European integration and cooperation suggest is perhaps not the best option to solve the issue. However, it can practically serve as a excellent model primarily for the South Caucasus, where such issues known to exist.
The report has been presented at international conference “European Integration: Ways and Means Toward Integrated and Peaceful Neighborhood”, which was held in Yerevan, Armenia from July 27 to July 30, 2006 and organized by International Center for Human Development, Armenian Center for Transatlantic Initiatives, European Integration NGO, Five Stars Travel Ltd. and with the support of the Delegation of the European Commission to Armenia.
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